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Submission to Justice and Electoral Select Committee

Human Rights Amendment Bill

1. Introduction

This submission is lodged by the Steering Group establishing a new, independent non-governmental human rights organisation to be called the Human Rights Foundation of Aotearoa/New Zealand. The Foundation is expected to be formally constituted on 16 October 2001 and will be launched by the Governor-General in Auckland in December.

The Foundation is being established to pursue independent research-based promotion and advocacy of human rights from an Aotearoa/New Zealand - South Pacific perspective.

Overview
Refugee Proceedings - Media Release
Submission to Justice and Electoral Select Committee
Supplementary Submission to Justice & Electoral Select Committee
Dialogue on Human Rights Bill
 

New Zealand Paua
 

 

2. Institutional Changes

    1. The Foundation supports the inclusion of the Race Relations Office in the redesigned Human Rights Commission. Essentially this completes the process begun in the Human Rights Amendment Act 1993 when the Complaints Division was created and given jurisdiction (with the Race Relations Conciliator as a member) over race complaints investigated by Race Relations Office staff. The Race Relations Conciliator has been a member of the Commission since 1977 and we believe that Conciliators have benefited from the collegial support that this structure has provided. Further, the 1993 amendments improved decision-making around race complaints considerably and led to improved investigation processes in that office as well. We support all discrimination complaints including race being dealt with by one team in the new Human Rights Commission.
    2. We consider that the position of Race Relations Commissioner as a full-time member of the Human Rights Commission is essential to provide specific leadership (for both the institution and the community) on race matters and to mentor staff working in the race relations area.
    3. The logic that led the Ministerial Review on which the Bill is largely based to recommend the consolidation of the Race Relations Office and the Commission appears not, however, to have been applied to the Privacy Commissioner. Not only is this Commissioner to continue with a stand-alone agency, which we support, but the Commissioner is no longer to be a Human Rights Commissioner, which we do not. In the past, both the Commission and the Privacy Commissioner have, we believe, benefited from the linkage established by the Privacy Act in 1993 under which the Privacy Commissioner is also a Human Rights Commissioner.
    4. The Health and Disability Commissioner is in a similar situation. The Cartwright Report which gave rise to the position actually recommended that the Health Commissioner be a Human Rights Commissioner, a proposal which was not adopted by the government of the day for reasons which have not been articulated. With a separate code, like the Privacy Commissioner, the position lends itself to a similar relationship with the Human Rights Commission. In the Foundation's view, the Health and Disability Commissioner should be a Human Rights Commissioner but retain a separate office.
    5. For similar reasons the Foundation agrees with the proposals in the discussion paper produced by the Ministerial Review in relation to the Children's Commissioner. A rights-based approach is needed in this area but children's rights are not so distinct from other human rights that they need a separate protection regime. However, the position of Children's Commissioner should be retained (in addition to any children's focal point or unit in the larger institution) and this Commissioner should be a full-time Human Rights Commissioner.

3. Structure of the Human Rights Commission

    1. The Foundation does not support the new structural arrangements for the Human Rights Commission, which are essentially based on the part-time "governance council" recommended by the Ministerial Review which preceded the Bill. We consider the existing model, with so-called "figure-head" Commissioners as leaders and governors, should be continued, if necessary in a modified form. The Commissioner model is well established in the New Zealand institutional make-up, which includes not just a number of Commissions like the Law Commission and the Commerce Commission but similarly-independent bodies like the Ombudsman and the Commissioner for the Environment. This mechanism is very effective in creating a focal point for civil society and the official sector alike, and while it will always be partly dependent on the individuals concerned, in recent years the development of a more formal staff structure at the Human Rights Commission under a general manager has mitigated this dependency.
    2. Several statements were made in the Ministerial Review team's discussion paper in support of the need for a new structure. First, it was said that the public reputation of some of the [existing] agencies was relatively poor. No research was done to support this contention, which was simply said to be the view of "many stakeholders". Yet a poll done by the business weekly NBR in 1997 determined that the public "overwhelmingly supports retention of the… Human Rights Commission, the Race Relations Office and the Privacy Commissioner". Eighty-one per cent of those polled thought the Human Rights Commission should be retained and 55% said it was doing an excellent or good job, compared with 24% who said it was doing a poor or not that good a job.While doubtless encouraging an improved performance of all the institutions, the poll does not support the contention that there is a widespread view that the institutions need replacing or are performing poorly.
    3. The discussion paper also claimed that to improve performance of the Human Rights Commission it was necessary to separate governance from management and operations. By and large this already occurs at the Commission and has for a number of years. Policy direction is the responsibility of the Commissioners, acting together, and operations are the responsibility of staff, under the leadership of the General Manager. We make further comments below about the relationships proposed by the Bill between Commissioners and the staff.
    4. In support of its recommendations about the role of Commissioners (which have by and larger been incorporated in the Bill) the discussion paper on which the Bill is based refers to staff comments that changes in direction or direct interference by Commissioners create confusion and resentment. It goes without saying that the responsibilities and accountabilities of Commissioners must be explicit and effective. It is undoubtedly true that the involvement of Commissioners in the day-to-day operations of the organisation must be limited to leadership in particular projects or campaigns where their profile can be utilised, final decision-making on human rights policy issues (including complaints) and to mentoring staff. "Interference" in the line management of the Commission is quite inappropriate and will certainly undermines any institution's effectiveness. In the past where this has become a problem (perhaps with new Commissioners learning their proper role) it has been dealt with by the Chief Commissioner and the Commission as a group. If this was a problem in the Human Rights Commission at the time of the Ministerial Review, it may have reflected that the organisation had not had a Chief Commissioner for about a year. However, it was certainly not a situation that called for the radical solution recommended by the Ministerial Review team. Nor would it, by itself, justify devising the completely new organisational framework for human rights protection that is represented by the Bill.
    5. For several reasons, the Foundation does not support the model of part-time members with the only full-time Commissioners being the Chief Commissioner and the Race Relations Commissioner.
    6. First, it is unlikely that part-time Commissioners will be seen to have the necessary degree of independence. While their personal characteristics and the skills and experience that led to their appointment will include human rights expertise, it is their income-earning and community activities, which is where they will continue to devote the bulk of their time and energies, that are likely to define the level of their human rights commitment, in the public mind if not in their own. This may not be a problem for Commissioners appointed from relatively independent institutions like universities but it will be extremely difficult for people who are employees of or in management roles in other organisations to differentiate their independent role on the Commission. The same can be said of those part-time members who come from an NGO background, who will inevitably be seen to be representing their own group on the Commission rather than representing their sector or, more importantly, accepting a responsibility for protecting all the human rights of all New Zealanders. It seems inevitable that conflicts of interest will arise regularly for such part-time members.
    7. Secondly, by committing to a lengthy period as a Commissioner and being dependent only on the Commission for their income, full-time members assure their commitment to their organisation and their independence. The independence of the members of a human rights institution is the fundamental building block for effectiveness. This is firmly emphasised in the relevant international standards (the Paris Principles) and practices that have been developed for national human rights institutions. It is hard to see how part-timers could develop a comparable level of independence.
    8. Thirdly, although the Ministerial Review team refers in its discussion paper to the Australian experience and there was a visit to the Australian Commission to "hear the experience of the individuals involved in its evolution", there is no mention in the discussion paper of the fact that the first human rights commission in Australia (1982 - 1986) was, in fact, a part-time body. It was because this structure was not effective that the new Human Rights Commissioner in 1986 restructured the system to provide for full-time Commissioners and despite other changes in the Australian Commission since then, the full-time tenure of its Commissioners has continued.

4. Demarcation between Governance and Management/Operations

    1. The Bill contains far too much detail in elaborating the governance/operational responsibilities within the Commission and the result is a great deal of confusion. The relevant clauses are 7, 14, 15 (in relation to the Race Relations Conciliator) and 16. These need greatly simplifying. The provisions dealing with the relationship between the Chief Commissioner and the General Manager are especially unclear.
    2. This confusion is carried through to the Bill's attempts to separate the complaints function from the advocacy/promotion role, with the former largely being the responsibility of the Director of Human Rights Proceedings. This appears to be based on the view of the Ministerial Review team that it is not possible in the one human rights institution to give effective attention to both the regulatory function and the advocacy/educational one. In the Foundation's view, this analysis is flawed. In fact there are three, not two, major roles of all national human rights institutions meeting the standards set out in the Paris Principles - these are education, complaints and advisory. In the New Zealand Human Rights Commission this third function has until now been undertaken via a number of internal structures and is currently the responsibility of a policy unit headed by the senior lawyer on the staff. It is the role exercised by the Commission when it makes submissions on proposed legislation and in the monitoring required by the Human Rights Amendment Act 1999 and the Consistency 2000 exercise.
    3. These three functions co-exist in most national human rights institutions. Each role informs the other. When the complaints team finds that it is processing a number of similar complaints that lend themselves to a systemic solution, the policy team becomes involved. When the education team is active in the community it acts as a conduit for complaints. All education material requires scrutiny by the policy team for accuracy and appropriateness. Equally, when the policy team develops a set of guidelines the education team takes over the job of promoting them.
    4. While it is the staff, in their teams and overseen by the General Manager, who process complaints, implement the Commission's promotional strategies and develop human rights policy advice, policy decisions about all these functions need to be the responsibility of Commissioners. The Bill seems to contemplate this in relation to the educational and advisory roles, but removes Commissioners from the complaints process entirely, as we read s 76. If the same approach were to be applied to the Ombudsman, the Ombudsman would not make decisions on complaints. We think this will lead to a dysfunctional organisation and recommend that Commissioners retain their policy-making role in relation to complaints. This will enable coherence to be maintained with policy, education and advocacy. Doubtless it is theoretically possible through a complex set of interrelationships for policy-making in the complaints area to be fulfilled by the structure the Bill proposes, (the "independent" Director of Human Rights Complaints and the Human Rights Review Tribunal) but the Foundation considers it is neither efficient to do so, nor will it be effective. Moreover, this part of the Bill appears to run counter to the theme in the Bill of reducing the number of human rights institutions to improve overall efficiency and accessibility.

5. Complaints

    1. As indicated above, the Foundation does not support the removal from the Commission's functions of the investigation of complaints, nor the rationale that the complaint process impairs the ability of national human rights institutions to address promotional issues. In fact the opposite is true. Often the only way in the past that the Commission has been able to have some employers and service providers respond positively to its human rights messages is when these organisations become the subject of complaints. It is only then that these organisations can be persuaded to meet the (modest) compliance costs required by the legislation in establishing sexual harassment programmes and systems to ensure equal opportunity in employment, for example.
    2. Under the Bill, the Commission will no longer investigate and uphold or reject complaints, just endeavour to assist the parties "solve their problem", through conciliation and other dispute resolution methods. The Commission is set up as the country's expert body on human rights, yet it is to be prevented from saying whether human rights have been violated in particular circumstances. In the view of the Foundation, this will undermine the Commission's authority and credibility and, hence, its capacity to educate and advocate about human rights.
    3. Conciliation is not new to the Human Rights Commission. It already effects settlements in over 90% of the justified complaints it receives. But often it is not possible to get the parties to negotiate meaningfully until the Commission has investigated the allegations and formed a view whether there is substance to them. Without this crucial step, mediation gets bogged down in wrangling about what has or has not happened. This is particularly so in sexual harassment complaints where respondents are often in denial.
    4. Under the Bill, if conciliation by Commission staff is unsuccessful, a complaint is referred to the Director of Human Rights Proceedings who has to decide whether to refer the matter to the renamed Human Rights Review Tribunal, or leave complainants to take their grievance to the Tribunal themselves. The Director will need to undertake an investigation to ascertain just what happened, and to adequately discharge the criteria for deciding whether to proceed to the Tribunal, something which will be much more difficult at this late stage when the evidence trail is cold and the respondent's defences alerted.
    5. Despite the claim that the complaints process is to be publicly funded, as it is now, the Foundation believes that many complainants will find themselves having to take proceedings before the Tribunal if they wish to secure a satisfactory outcome to their complaint. This occurs only rarely at present. Most complaints are resolved before they reach the Tribunal and few complainants take proceedings there themselves.
    6. The underlying theme of the criteria set out in cl 92 (2) to be taken into account by the Director in deciding whether to issue proceedings before the Tribunal is whether this step would be in the public interest. Complainants will find this difficult to establish where the circumstances that have given rise to the complaint are essentially personal to them. Respondents will therefore have an incentive to "hold out" during conciliation since the complainant may not be able persuade the Director to take proceedings before the Tribunal and will therefore have to meet the cost of doing so themselves.
    7. Overall, in the Foundation's view, the approach proposed for complaints in the Bill will undermine the Commission's authority, result in fewer complaints being resolved, and see far more complainants faced with the dilemma of settling for an inadequate outcome or having to take their own proceedings at the Human Rights Review Tribunal to have their human rights upheld.

6. Human Rights and the Treaty of Waitangi

    1. The report of the Ministerial Review team noted what it called the "strong case" for improving understanding the linkages between the Treaty of Waitangi and human rights. It considered it "unfortunate" that the human rights dimensions of the Treaty and the relationship between these and domestic and international law have received little attention. The Review team identified broad support for the view that the Treaty of Waitangi marks the beginning of constitutional government in New Zealand or is the country's founding constitutional document. The Review team recommended that the Human Rights Act be amended to give the Commission the specific function of encouraging discussion on the relationship between the Treaty and human rights. Yet the Bill is silent on any reference to the Treaty other than the requirement in Cl 11(1)(a)(ii) that Commissioners, between them, should have knowledge of or experience in the Treaty. This seems somewhat pointless when the Commission is not given any functions in relation to the Treaty.
    2. The Foundation considers that the Ministerial Review team's recommendation is the minimum that should be done to acknowledge the human rights implications of the Treaty of Waitangi. As an official institution, the Commission is bound by the Treaty. Over the years a number of attempts have been made to ensure that the Commission takes a Treaty-based approach to ensuring the adequate delivery of its services to Maori. Various structures have been developed but feedback from Maori has generally indicated that successive Commissions have not been able to entrench an awareness in Maoridom of the relevance of the Commission's role. In the Foundation's view, this could be overcome by a specific reference to the Treaty in the Commission's legislation (perhaps in the long title) and the specific function recommended by the Ministerial Review.

7. Provisions supported by the Foundation

    1. The Foundation particularly supports adding the development of a national human rights action plan to the Commission's functions, provided this is accompanied by sufficient resources and a firm commitment by the Government to implement the plan once developed. New Zealand has undertaken a wide range of responsibilities under international human rights treaties but their implementation needs careful coordination and the national plan should provide a blueprint for making human rights central to policy development here. However, any such plan will need monitoring and evaluation, functions that should also reside with the Human Rights Commission. We recommend the amendment of Cl 5(2)(l) to enable the commission to have these ongoing roles in relation to the plan.
    2. Encouraging the Commission to focus more on education and advocacy also makes sense and really reflects the direction taken by the Commission in recent years. This is, of course, provided the Commission is given adequate resources to do its work. We note the absence of any such requirement in the new Bill, despite its inclusion in the founding statutes of a number of national human rights institutions in other countries.
    3. The Foundation also agrees with the approach that there should be a single standard for discrimination by the Government, and especially supports the provision for there to be a "declaration of inconsistency" which must be brought to the attention of Parliament along with the Government's response to the declaration. The Foundation also supports the more limited exemption for immigration matters contained in Clause 37.
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